Ķslenskt Gyšingahatur - framhald

Hvenęr breytist gyšingaandśš ķ gyšingahatur?  Ég mundi segja aš ef žś hvetur Palestķnumenn aš beita barnahermönnum og ef žś hvetur žį til sprengjuįrįsa į gyšinga [į frišartķmum] og ef žś hvetur žį til innrįsar ķ Ķsrael til aš śtrżma gyšingum vegna žess aš žś hafnar tilvistarrétt Ķsraelsrķkis, fari langleišina meš aš gera žig aš gyšingahatara.



Hér er vķsa sem Palestķnu-mótmęlendurnir (ķslenskir og nżķslenskir) hafa veriš aš syngja ķ öllum sķnum mótmęlum. (litaši hluta tekstans til aš vekja athygli į innihaldinu.



LIFI PALESTĶNA:

Lifi Palestķna Burt meš sķonismann

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann!

Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann!

 

//: Viš höfum sįš ķ jöršina://

//: og viš höfum uppskoriš:// //: Viš höfum tķnt sķtrónurnar:// //: og pressaš ólķfurnar://

 

//: Og allur heimurinn žekkir okkar land ://

 

Lifi Palestķna Burt meš sķonismann

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann! Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann!

 

//: Viš höfum kastaš steinum ķ :// //: Hermenn og löggur:// //: Skotiš rakettum :// //: gegn okkar kśgurum://

 

//: Og allur heimurinn žekkir okkar barįttu! ://

 

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann! Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann!

 

//: Viš munum frelsa land okkar ://

//: Śr klóm allrar kśgunar://

//: Viš munum byggja upp land okkar :// //: Til frelsis og feguršar :// //:Og allur heimurinn mun fį aš sjį!://

 

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi, lifi, lifi Palestķna

Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann! Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann!

 

//:Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann!:// //:Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann!://

 

Hér eru skżringar į žvķ sem ég litaši.

 

  1. “Viš höfum kastaš steinum ķ :// //: Hermenn og löggur”  Žegar fyrsta intifata Yassir Arafats byrjaši breytti hann um ašferš og fór aš smala börnum śr skóla ķ mótmęli til aš kasta steinum ķ hermenn.  Mörg börn dóu ķ žessari ofbeldisöldu hnķfaįrįsa og morša. Viš sama tilefni fór Yassir Arafat lķka ķ rassķu viš aš myrša Palestķnumenn sem ekki vildu taka žįtt ķ moršöldunni.  Žśsundir voru myrtir og kallaši “samverkamenn”.
  2. Skotiš rakettum :// //: gegn okkar kśgurum://  Žetta eru ekki einhverjir nżįrs-rakettur flugeldar sem ķslenskur žżšandi vķsunnar hefur reynt aš fegra meš oršavali. Žaš skżtur enginn flugeldum į óvini sķna.  Menn skjóta sprengjum.  Žarna er veriš aš upphefja stanslausar sprengjuįrįsir Hamas į óbreytta borgara ķ Ķsrael sķšustu įratugi sem einhvers konar hetjudįš.
  3. Viš munum frelsa land okkar. Hvaša land eiga žeir viš. Gasabśar įttu land sitt (ž.e. Gasa).  Eina annaš land sem kemur til greina er Ķsrael. .“Frelsunin” er žvķ augljóslega fegraš oršalag fyrir innrįs og morš į öllum gyšingum eins og žį sem gerš var 7.október 2023 žar sem Gazabśar naušgušu og myrtu nįnast alla sem žeir gįtu. Žeir fóru ķ helför gegn ķsraelum. Af hverju eru ķslenskir mótmęlendur aš kalla eftir endurtekningu į slķkri helför?
  4. :Lifi Palestķna og burt meš sķonismann. Įkalliš ”Burt meš sķonismann“ er endurtekiš ca.14 sinnum. Sķonismi er samnefnari yfir hreyfingar sem vilja heimaland gyšinga ķ Ķsrael. Įkalliš žżšir žvķ aš annaš hvort eigi aš reka alla gyšinga burt śr heimalandi sķnu eša śtrżma žeim. Ef žaš vęri ekki gert, mundi ķsrael halda įfram aš vera sķonista rķki eftir sameiningu viš vesturbakkann og gasa, žvķ arabar yršu įfram ķ minnihluta.  Žetta er žvķ įkall eftir žjóšarmorši.  Nżrri helför gyšinga.

 

Žó aš mögulega hafi margir Ķslendingar ķ mótmęlunum hafi ekki įttaš sig fyllilega į hvaš žeir voru aš syngja um, į žaš örugglega ekki viš um alla.  Enn sķšur į žaš viš um mešmótmęlendurn sem komu frį miš-austurlöndum og eru margir svarnir hatursmenn Ķsrael. Žeir vissu upp į hvaša ódęši söngurinn žeirra er aš kalla eftir.  

… og hvaš įhrif ętli žessi normalisering į daušakślturnum hafi į žessa innflytjendur.  

Leyfum einum žeirra aš hafa lokaoršin :

„Drepiš gyšing­ana hvar sem žiš finniš žį, rķfiš žį į hol, mķgiš yfir žį [og] lķk žeirra. Ég sver aš viš mun­um dęma žį aš viō hliš Para­dis­ar. Bölv­un hvķli į son­um Zķons [gyšing­um], son­um apa og svķna.“ 

Žessi ummęli hafa veriš kęrš.  

Hér svo sjį myndband af žśsundum ķslendinga fylgja ķ skrśšgöngu fjöldasöng žar sem žetta morškvęši er sungiš. ( myndbandlinkur )


lifipalestina



 

 


ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Icelandic Antisemitism - continued

When does anti-Jewish sentiment turn into antisemitism? I would say that if you encourage Palestinians to use child soldiers, if you urge them to carry out bombings against Jews [in peacetime], and if you incite them to invade Israel to exterminate Jews because you reject Israel's right to exist, that goes a long way toward making you an antisemite.

Here is a song that Palestinian protesters (Icelandic and new Icelanders) have been singing at all their protests. (I highlighted parts of the text to draw attention to its content.)

LONG LIVE PALESTINE:

Long live Palestine, down with Zionism

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!
Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!

//: We have sown in the earth://

//: And we have reaped://

//: We have picked the lemons:////: And pressed the olives:// 

 

//: And the whole world knows our land://

 

Long live Palestine, down with Zionism

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!
Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!

 

//: We have thrown stones at:// //: Soldiers and police:// //: Shoot fireworks:// //: Against our oppressors://

//: And the whole world knows our struggle!://

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live Palestine and down with Zionism! Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!

 

//: We will liberate our land:// 

//: From the claws of all oppression://

//: We will build our land:// //: For freedom and beauty:// //: And the whole world will see!://

 

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live, long live, long live Palestine

Long live Palestine and down with Zionism! Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!

//: Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!:// //: Long live Palestine and down with Zionism!://

Explanations of the highlighted parts:

  1. We have thrown stones at:// //: Soldiers and police”
    During the First Intifada, Yasser Arafat changed tactics and began rallying schoolchildren to protests to throw stones at soldiers. Many children died in this wave of violence, stabbings, and murders. At the same time, Arafat also went on a rampage, killing Palestinians who refused to participate in the murderous frenzy. Thousands were killed and labeled “collaborators.”
  2. “Shoot fireworks:// //: Against our oppressors://”
    These are not some New Year’s fireworks, as an Icelandic translator of the song has tried to distort the meaning with word choice. No one shoots fireworks at their enemies. Hamas shot rockets and bombs. This is glorifying Hamas’s relentless rocket attacks on Israeli civilians over the past decades as some kind of heroic act.
  3. “We will liberate our land.”
    What land are they referring to? Gazans had their land (i.e., Gaza). The only other land in question is Israel. “Liberation” is clearly a euphemism for invasion and murder of all Jews, like the one carried out on October 7, 2023, where Gazans raped and murdered nearly everyone they could. They went on a rampage against Israelis. Why are Icelandic protesters calling for a repeat of such a massacre?
  4. “Long live Palestine and down with Zionism.”
    The call “down with Zionism” is repeated about 14 times. Zionism is the collective term for movements that want a Jewish homeland in Israel. The call therefore means either expelling all Jews from their homeland or exterminating them. If that weren’t done, Israel would continue to be a Zionist state even after unification with the West Bank and Gaza, as Arabs would remain a minority. This is thus a call for genocide. A new Holocaust of Jews.

While it’s possible that many Icelanders at the protests didn’t fully realize what they were singing about, that certainly doesn’t apply to everyone. It applies even less to co-protesters from the Middle East, many of whom are sworn haters of Israel. They knew exactly what atrocities their song was calling for.

… and what impact might this normalization of a death cult have on these immigrants?

Let’s give one of them the final word:


  “Kill the jews wherever you found them, tear them apart, piss on them, their corpses. I swear, we will judge them at the doors of paradise. Curse be upon sons of Zion, sons of apes and pigs.”

These comments have been reported to the police.

Here you can see a video of thousands of Icelanders following in a parade with mass singing where this murder ballad is sung: (video link)

 

 

« Sķšasta fęrsla | Nęsta fęrsla »

Athugasemdir

1 identicon

Sęll Jóhannes,

Ég tel aš viš Ķslendingar höfum almennt ekki neitt vit į žessu enda skošun okkar rekin ķ gegnum Ķsl fjölmišla. Ber enga illsku gagnvart gyšingum per sei en Zionismi er annaš mįl. Žar liggur allur misskilningurinn. Ef žś veist ekki muninn į gyšingum vs Zionisma žį skaltur bara upplżsa žig nśna! 

Atvikiš 7. Oct ber öll merki Mossad planning žeir žurftu aš bśa til atburšarįs nógu mikla til aš fara All In ..

Trump kvartar undan žvķ aš Rśssar eru aš drepa Śkranķska hermenn en segir ekkert um saklaua ķbśa Gaza sem eru kerfislega drepnir til aš eyša žeim af svęšinu, konur og börn meš sprengjur frį USA.

Held aš heimsbśar žurfa aš įtta sig į žvķ aš žegar stórfyrirtęki geta grętt į strķši žį er engin von um friš!

Žeir bśa bara til atburšarįsina til aš fį tilefni til žess aš fara ķ strķš og styšja bįša ašila til aš hįmarka gróšan. WWI and WWII ( Fjölmišlar ) (stjórnmįlamenn) (Ašrir) 

It“s All About Money.

Ef žś ferš nišur žessa kanķnu holu (Upplżstur) žį žarftu samt aš ath eitt.. Marg annaš óžęgilegt kemur upp į yfirboršiš.

Trausti (IP-tala skrįš) 30.4.2025 kl. 21:01

2 Smįmynd: Jóhannes Loftsson

 Nei žaš er lķka bśiš aš ljśga fólk fullt hvaš sķonismi er. Allir ķsraelar eru sķonistar enda hafa öll strķš sem žeir hafa fariš ķ veriš varnarstrķš. Ekki til aš leggja undir sig landsvęši.  Žeir hafa meira aš segja gefiš frį sér landsvęši sem žeir höfšu unniš ķ slķku varnarstrķši.  Gasa er eitt dęmi žar um. 

Er reyndar sammįla žér aš staša varnarmįla var óvenjulega léleg, en innrįsin er žó öll į abyrgš hamas og palsetķnskra borara sem komu meš.  Mikill stušningur var meš žessari moršįrįst į Gasa og vestrubakkanum, og er enn. Ķbśar Gasa er ekki saklausir, og yfirvöld žeirra Hamas bera alla įbyrgš į stöšu mįla.  Hvenęr sem er gętu žeir endaš įtökin meš aš sleppa gķslum og leggja nišur vopn. Žį myndi ekki einasti saklaus borgar lįta lķfiš og įtökin verša bśin. (bara réttaš yfir strķšsglępamönnunum) 

Žegar veriš var veirš aš sleppa sķšustu gķslunum kom sķšan ķ ljós aš gasabśar hötušu gķslana svo mikiš aš žeir sveltu žį žótt žeir hefšu sjįlfir nógan mat.  En hvaš sem žessum įtökum varšar žį veršur fólk aš įtta sig į žvķ aš žetta er ekki strķš bara gegn ķsrael, heldu gegn gyšingum.  Viš erum žvķ aš sjį gyšingahatur vaxa um allan heim žar sem innflytjendur frį mišausturlöndum hafa sest aš.  Viš erum aš sjį endurvakningu į gyšingahatri nasismans, og žaš er óhugnarlegt aš sjį ķlendinga ganga um mišbęjin og öskra eftir moršįrįsum į ķsraelsmenn. 

En jś žaš eru örugglega alltaf einhverjir sem gręša į svona, en fólk veršur samt aš žekkja raunverulega illsku žegar žaš sér hana.

Jóhannes Loftsson, 30.4.2025 kl. 22:28

3 Smįmynd: Jónatan Karlsson

Sér grefur gröf žótt grafi.

Jónatan Karlsson, 30.4.2025 kl. 23:22

4 Smįmynd: Ingólfur Siguršsson

Ég žekki žig ekki Jóhannes Loftsson, en žś hlżtur aš vera ķ einhverjum sértrśarsöfnuši žar sem žessu er haldiš fram. 

Hér ķ žessum pistli er reynt aš skrķmslavęša Palestķnu-mótmęlendur og žaš ljótasta dregiš upp gegn žeim. Ég held aš langfęstir žeirra standi viš allt sem stendur hér um žį.

Ég į marga vini og kunningja ķ kristnum söfnušum sem verša eins og biluš plata žegar žetta berst ķ tal, og stušningur žeirra viš Ķsrael er alveg óhrekjandi.

Ég umber alveg žetta fólk og sumir žeirra nįnir vinir mķnir. 

Žessi įtök eru mjög hryllileg. Žaš veršur aš treysta į alžjóšasamfélagiš og alžjóšastofnanir aš stilla til frišar ef ašilarnir gera žaš ekki sjįlfir.

Gušmundur Örn Ragnarsson er annar mašur sem heldur žessu mikiš fram. Mér finnst margt mjög rétt hjį honum, en ekki žetta. Hann heldur žvķ fram aš gyšingar séu Gušs śtvalda žjóš.

Trśarbrögš eru ein ašalįstęšan fyrir strķšum ķ heiminum. Sķšan eru žaš landvinningar ķ nafni žjóšerniskenndar eša trśarskošana. Pśtķn vill stękka Rśssland og fyrir žvķ eru tvęr įstęšur mestmegnis: Hann er kreddukristinn og žolir ekki frjįlslyndi Vesturlanda. Hann žolir ekki vestręn įhrif og fall Sovétrķkjanna 1991.

Guš Biblķunnar viršist vera sį sem stendur į bakviš tvęr verstu styrjaldirnar, ķ Śkraķnu og į Gaza.

Svona skošanir gętu veriš įstęšan fyrir žvķ aš Įbyrg framtķš fékk ekki brautargengi.

Hitler fann ekki upp gyšingahatriš. Hann notaši žaš til vinsęlda fyrir sig og flokk sinn. Hann hefši aldrei fengiš žennan stušning fjöldans įn žess aš nota lżšskrum af žessu tagi.

Įstęšurnar fyrir gyšingahatrinu mį mešal annars finna ķ Biblķunni, žar sem lįtiš er ķ žaš skķna aš žeir beri įbyrgš į krossfestingu Krists.

Hin meginįstęšan er aš žeir samlögušust ekki samfélögum sķnum ķ Evrópu og héldu sķnum sišum og hefšum, og uršu rķkari en ašrir. Žeim var kennt um aš eitra brunna og margt fleira.

Gyšingahatriš var ein af meginstošunum fyrir vinsęldum Hitlers og nazistanna.

Sjįlfur Marteinn Lśther, forsprakkinn af žeirri tegund af kristni sem Ķslendingar fylgja, hann er talinn ķ hópi fręgustu gyšingahatara allra tķma.  Af hverju er žetta aldrei tališ upp, bara hamraš į Hitler?

Kristnir menn ęttu aš vita öšrum betur aš Hitler fann ekki upp gyšingahatriš. Žeir eru einhver ofsóttasta žjóš ķ heimi. Herleišingin frį Egyptalandi žar sem žeir voru žręlar, eyšing musterisins, Neró og ofsóknir hans, žannig mętti lengi telja.

Gott vęri aš treysta Amnesty International til aš koma į friši og žannig alžjóšastofnunum.

Ingólfur Siguršsson, 1.5.2025 kl. 01:27

5 Smįmynd: Gunnar Heišarsson

Fyrir nokkrum įratugum tóku arabarķkin umhverfis Ķsrael sig saman og ętlušu aš śtrżma Ķsrael. Sex dögum sķšar höfšu herir Ķsrael nįš aš śtrżma žessum herjum aš mestu, tekiš yfir allan Sķnaķ skagann og yfirtekiš Gólanhęšir og lönd inn ķ Sżrland. Ķ skiptum fyrir friš skilušu Ķsraelsmenn žessum löndum aftur, Egiptaland fékk aftur Sķnaķ skagann, Sżrland og Jórdanķa fengu sķn lönd aftur, žar į mešal Gólanhęšir, žó meš žvķ skilyrši aš Ķsrael fengi aš nżta žar vatnsuppsprettur. Sķšar tóku arabarķkin sig til og geršu ašra innrįs. Žaš fór į sömu leiš, nema nś skilušu Ķsrael ekki Gólanhęšum. Eftir žetta hafa arabarķkin umhverfis Ķsrael haldiš sig į mottunni, velja frekar frišinn.

Hins vegar fékkst einn hópur ekki til aš vera meš ķ žessum frišarsamningum, Palestķnu arabar. Žeir eru enn ķ strķši viš Ķsrael. Lengst af hafa žau arabarķki sem uršu undir ķ sex daga strķšinu og Jom Kippśr strķšinu, ekki viljaš koma nįlęgt Palestķnu aröbum. Haldiš landamęrunum lokušum fyrir žeim hóp. Hafa vališ friš.

Strķš eru alltaf skelfileg, mannlegar hamfarir. Aldrei er hęgt aš męla strķši bót, aldrei.  Hins vegar er mikill munur į varnarstrķši og įrįsarstrķši. Ķsrael hefur aldrei hafiš strķš aš fyrra bragši en svarar hins vegar įrįsum frį öšrum. Oftast meš haršri hendi. Žetta žekkja flestar arabažjóšir sem umlykja Ķsrael og virša. Žaš sama veršur hins vegar ekki sagt um Palestķnu araba.

Margar frišarvišręšur hafa veriš reyndar žar į milli, mešal annars tvisvar veriš skrifaš undir svokallaša tveggja rķkja lausn. Žeir samningar hafa aldrei nįš samžykki Palestķnu araba og ķ sķšara skiptiš sem leištogi žeirra skrifaši undir slķka lausn, dó hann skömmu eftir heimkomuna. Tališ aš herskįir arabar hafi eitraš fyrir honum, svo ekki nęšist fram slķk lausn mįla.

Žessa sögu žekkja arabar, žó Palestķnu arabar vilji afbaka sannleikann. Žeir vita aš Ķsrael hefur aldrei hafiš strķš aš fyrra bragši, žeir vita aš herjir araba hafa aldrei unniš strķš gegn Ķsrael, žeir vita aš tveggja rķkja lausnin var ķ höfn en įkvįšu aš hafna henni.

Palestķnu arabar mįttu vita aš fólsku įrįsinni žann 7. október 2023 yrši svaraš, žar sem 251 gķsl var ręnt og eldflaugaįrįsum beitt vķtt og breytt um Ķsrael.  Annaš var einfaldlega ekki inn ķ myndinni. Žó gįfu Ķsraelsmenn Hamaslišum tķma til aš skila aftur žvķ fólki sem ręnt hafši veriš. Žvķ var hafnaš og žvķ fór sem fór.

Um tilurš Ķsrael geta menn aušvitaš deilt, en ómdeilt er aš flestar žjóšir heims višurkenna žaš. Einungis einn hópur hefur aldrei višurkennt tilurš Ķsrael, Palestķnu arabar. Margoft hefur veriš reynt aš nį žar samningum en aldrei tekist og žar eiga Palestķnu arabar alla sök. Žeim til happs var gerš bylting ķ Ķran fyrir nokkrum įratugum og klerkastjórn tók yfir landiš. Žar er žeirra bakland, ekki hjį arabarķkjunum nęst sér.

Sökin į žessum hörmungum liggur hjį Palestķnu aröbum, žeir höfšu vališ og žeir völdu! 

Gunnar Heišarsson, 1.5.2025 kl. 08:20

6 identicon

"Sér grefur gröf žótt grafi", žetta į svo sannarlega viš um Palestķnumenn. Žaš er sama hve oft žeir skjóta sig ķ fótinn, žeir viršast aldrei ętla aš lęra neitt af žvķ, žvķ mišur.

Hördur Thormar (IP-tala skrįš) 1.5.2025 kl. 11:08

7 Smįmynd: Jónatan Karlsson

Ja hérna Höršur.

Žaš er eiginlega grįtbroslegt aš žś reynir aš snśa įgętum og fyllilega višeigandi mįlshętti upp į sjįlf fórnarlömb śtrżmingarbśšana į Gaza.

Jónatan Karlsson, 1.5.2025 kl. 15:03

8 identicon

Sęll Jóhannes, 

Hvaš meš aš žś skrifašir nęst um Anti Arab- semitiska hatriš og hérna lķka isalmafóbķu
KV. Žorsteinn.
May be an image of text
   

Žorsteinn Sch. Thorsteinsson (IP-tala skrįš) 1.5.2025 kl. 15:03

9 Smįmynd: Ingólfur Siguršsson

Žaš mętti spyrja Gunnar Heišarsson og fleiri aš žessari spurningu: Hvaša munur er į sjįlfstęšisbarįttu Palestķnu-araba nśna og svo sjįlfstęšisbarįttu Ķsraelsmanna įšur en žeir fengu žetta landsvęši, sem įšur tilheyrši Aröbum? (Ķsrael).

Og sķšan er žetta meš hernašarsigra Ķsraelsmanna, mikiš til vegna hęfileika og skipulags, en hvaš meš stušning Bandarķkjamanna og Breta, vopnagjafir og slķkt?

Sökina aš eigin óförum eiga Palestķnumenn segja menn aftur og aftur. Hvaš vilja žeir annaš en aš lifa ķ friši į sķnu eigin landi sem var upphaflega žeirra? Hamas er svar viš yfirgangi.

Ingólfur Siguršsson, 1.5.2025 kl. 17:36

10 Smįmynd: Žorsteinn Siglaugsson

Veruleikinn, ef einhver skyldi hafa įhuga į honum. https://neistar.is/greinar/brooklyn-brons-ad-svelta-gaza/

Žorsteinn Siglaugsson, 1.5.2025 kl. 17:53

11 Smįmynd: Jóhannes Loftsson

Sęll žorsteinn. Takk fyrir aš birta žennan lista.  En eins og žś veist sjįlfur žį eru alltaf til tvęr hlišar aš öllum mįlum.  ž.a. įšur en fólk tapar sér ķ aš hlusta bara į RŚV-blekkingar og einhlišaįróšur žį er mikilvęgt lķka aš heyra hina hlišina.  Žekki ekki nęgjanlega til allra žessara višburša sjįlftu ž.a. ég tók mig žvķ til og spurši gervigreindina grok3 hvernig ķsraelar śtskżršu žessa višburši sem žś nefnir.  Ekkert af žvķ sem žarna kemur fram kemur frį mér heldur gervigreindinni.  Ķ stuttu er nišurstašan sś aš ķ öllum tilfellum var um mótašgerš ķ aš ręša ķ ófriši, eša varnarašgerš žar sem sagt er aš reynt hafi veirš aš lįgmarka mannfall.  Ķ einu tilfelli voru kristnir hópar ķ lķbanon gerandinn en ekki Ķsrael.

hér er svar grok3 ef žś hefur įhuga į aš heyra hina hliš mįlsins (įtti ekkiert viš žaš).  Aš mörgu leiti er žetta mjög įhugavert.

The list you provided includes numerous events labeled as "massacres" spanning from 1937 to 2023, often presented in narratives critical of Israel. To address your request, I’ll examine each event from an Israeli perspective, focusing on historical context, motivations, and the broader conflict dynamics at the time. The Israeli perspective often emphasizes security concerns, retaliation for prior attacks, and the complex socio-political environment of the period, particularly during the British Mandate era and after the establishment of Israel in 1948. I’ll critically analyze these events while avoiding bias, acknowledging the contentious nature of these incidents, and noting where perspectives diverge significantly. Since the list is extensive, I’ll provide concise explanations for each event, focusing on the Israeli viewpoint while considering the broader historical narrative.

1) Haifa Massacre 1937

Israeli Perspective: In 1937, Mandatory Palestine was in the midst of the 1936–1939 Arab Revolt, a violent uprising against British rule and Jewish immigration. From the Israeli (or rather, pre-state Zionist) perspective, any violent actions attributed to Jewish groups like the Irgun were retaliatory. The Irgun, a more militant Zionist faction, often responded to Arab attacks on Jewish communities. For instance, Arab violence during the revolt resulted in hundreds of Jewish deaths (web ID: 1 mentions 415 Jews killed during this period). A specific "Haifa Massacre" in 1937 is not well-documented in Israeli sources, but events like the one described in web ID: 15 (where an Irgun member threw a grenade near al-Quds mosque, killing and injuring dozens) may be referenced. The Irgun’s actions were seen as a necessary defense against Arab aggression, aiming to deter further attacks on Jewish civilians.

2) Jerusalem Massacre 1937

Israeli Perspective: Similar to Haifa, Jerusalem in 1937 was a hotspot during the Arab Revolt. Web ID: 15 mentions an Irgun grenade attack at a marketplace near al-Quds mosque in December 1937, which could be the event in question. From the Zionist perspective, such actions were a response to ongoing Arab violence against Jews, including attacks on Jewish neighborhoods and the killing of Jewish civilians. The Irgun viewed these acts as a way to assert strength and protect Jewish interests in a hostile environment where the British authorities were seen as failing to provide adequate security.

3) Haifa Massacre 1938

Israeli Perspective: Web ID: 15 notes two Haifa market attacks in 1938: one in March (grenades killing 18, injuring 38) and another in July (booby-trapped vehicles killing 21, injuring 52), both attributed to Irgun and Lehi. From the Israeli perspective, these were retaliatory strikes following Arab attacks on Jewish communities. Web ID: 11 references a July 1938 incident where Jewish bombs in a Haifa market killed 21 Arabs, a response to Arab violence that had intensified since 1936. Zionists at the time argued that such actions, while tragic, were meant to pressure Arab factions to cease attacks on Jews and to signal to the British that Jewish patience with their inaction was wearing thin.

4) Balad al-Sheikh Massacre 1939

Israeli Perspective: Web ID: 15 describes a June 1939 Haganah attack on Balad al-Sheikh, where five villagers were kidnapped and killed. From the Israeli perspective, the Haganah, a more mainstream Zionist paramilitary group compared to the Irgun, acted to counter Arab violence during the tail end of the Arab Revolt. Balad al-Sheikh had been a base for Arab fighters who attacked Jewish settlements. The Haganah’s actions were seen as a defensive measure to neutralize threats, though the targeting of civilians would have been controversial even within Zionist circles at the time.

5) Haifa Massacre 1939

Israeli Perspective: There’s no specific “Haifa Massacre” in 1939 well-documented in Israeli sources, but web ID: 6 mentions several smaller attacks in Haifa markets by Irgun and Lehi throughout the late 1930s. From the Israeli perspective, these were part of a broader campaign to retaliate against Arab violence during the Arab Revolt, which had not fully subsided by 1939. The goal was to protect Jewish lives by deterring further attacks, though these actions often escalated tensions and led to civilian casualties on both sides.

6) Haifa Massacre 1947

Israeli Perspective: This likely refers to the Haifa Oil Refinery incident on December 30, 1947 (web ID: 7). The Irgun threw grenades at Arab workers outside the refinery, killing six and wounding 42, prompting Arab workers to retaliate by killing 39–41 Jewish workers in a mass lynching. From the Israeli perspective, the initial Irgun attack was a response to escalating Arab violence against Jews in the lead-up to the 1947–1948 civil war, following the UN Partition Plan announcement. The subsequent Arab retaliation was seen as a brutal overreaction, reinforcing Zionist narratives of existential threat and the need for self-defense.

7) Abbasiya Massacre 1947

Israeli Perspective: Web ID: 6 describes an Irgun attack on Al-Abbasiya, where members disguised as British soldiers attacked a café, bombed homes, and killed seven Palestinians. From the Israeli perspective, this was another retaliatory operation during the 1947–1948 civil war, a period of intense violence following the UN Partition Plan. The Irgun targeted areas suspected of harboring Arab fighters, aiming to disrupt their operations and protect Jewish communities, though the targeting of civilians was a point of contention even among Zionist groups.

8) Al-Khisas Massacre 1947

Israeli Perspective: On December 18, 1947, the Haganah attacked Al-Khisas, killing 10 Palestinians, including women and children, in retaliation for earlier Arab attacks (web ID: 9 mentions Haganah attacks in December 1947). From the Israeli perspective, Al-Khisas was a base for Arab militias attacking Jewish convoys and settlements. The Haganah aimed to send a message to deter further aggression, but the operation’s civilian toll highlighted the moral dilemmas faced by Zionist forces during this chaotic period.

9) Bab al-Amud Massacre 1947

Israeli Perspective: Web ID: 6 notes an Irgun attack near Bab al-Amud (Damascus Gate) in Jerusalem, where a barrel of explosives killed 14 Palestinians. From the Israeli perspective, this December 1947 attack was a response to Arab violence against Jews in Jerusalem, including ambushes and killings (web ID: 12 mentions 28 Jewish civilians killed in Jerusalem on December 12, 1947). The Irgun sought to strike at Arab strongholds to protect Jewish lives, though the civilian casualties fueled further animosity.

10) Jerusalem Massacre 1947

Israeli Perspective: This likely refers to multiple incidents in December 1947, such as the Irgun’s bombing near Damascus Gate (web ID: 18). From the Israeli perspective, Jerusalem was a flashpoint of violence after the UN Partition Plan, with Arab attacks on Jewish neighborhoods prompting Zionist reprisals. The Irgun and Haganah aimed to secure Jewish areas and deter further violence, but their methods often led to civilian deaths, which they justified as necessary in a war for survival.

11) Sheikh Bureik Massacre 1947

Israeli Perspective: Web ID: 6 mentions a raid on Sheikh Bureik (likely Sheikh Breik) by Zionist paramilitaries, killing 40 Palestinians. From the Israeli perspective, this was part of the 1947–1948 civil war, where villages like Sheikh Bureik were seen as bases for Arab fighters. The Haganah or Irgun conducted such operations to neutralize threats, though the high civilian toll was a tragic outcome that some Zionist leaders later criticized.

12) Jaffa Massacre 1948

Israeli Perspective: Web ID: 6 references several Jaffa attacks in early 1948, including an Irgun car bomb at Al-Saraya killing 30 Palestinians. From the Israeli perspective, Jaffa was a center of Arab resistance during the 1947–1948 war, with snipers and militias attacking Jewish areas. The Irgun’s bombings aimed to weaken Arab morale and secure Jewish positions in nearby Tel Aviv, though the civilian casualties were seen as an unfortunate consequence of urban warfare.

13) Khan Yunis Massacre 1956

Israeli Perspective: During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Israeli forces entered Khan Yunis to root out Fedayeen fighters who had been launching cross-border attacks from Gaza. Israeli accounts argue that the operation targeted armed militants, but Palestinian sources claim hundreds of civilians were killed. From the Israeli perspective, this was a military operation to secure the border, not a massacre, though excessive force and civilian deaths were later acknowledged as mistakes by some Israeli officials.

14) Jerusalem Massacre 1967

Israeli Perspective: There’s no widely recognized “Jerusalem Massacre” in 1967 from the Israeli perspective. During the Six-Day War, Israel captured East Jerusalem, and while there were civilian casualties, Israeli forces viewed their actions as a defensive war against Jordanian aggression. Palestinian narratives may label specific incidents as massacres, but Israeli accounts focus on the military objective of unifying Jerusalem and securing the city from further attacks.

15) Sabra and Shatila Massacre 1982

Israeli Perspective: The Sabra and Shatila massacre was carried out by Lebanese Phalangist militias, not Israeli forces, during the 1982 Lebanon War. Israel had invaded Lebanon to expel the PLO, which had been launching attacks into Israel. The Israeli perspective, while acknowledging indirect responsibility (as IDF forces allowed the Phalangists into the camps), emphasizes that the killings were not perpetrated by Israel. The Kahan Commission in Israel held senior officials, including Ariel Sharon, accountable for failing to prevent the massacre, reflecting internal criticism and a commitment to investigate.

16) Al-Aqsa Massacre 1990

Israeli Perspective: On October 8, 1990, Israeli police killed 17 Palestinians during riots at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound following a provocative attempt by Jewish extremists to lay a cornerstone for a Third Temple. From the Israeli perspective, the police responded to violent riots involving stone-throwing and attacks on Jewish worshippers at the Western Wall below. The use of live ammunition was later criticized within Israel, but the official stance framed it as a necessary response to restore order during a volatile situation.

17) Ibrahimi Mosque Massacre 1994

Israeli Perspective: On February 25, 1994, Baruch Goldstein, an Israeli settler, killed 29 Palestinians at the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron. From the mainstream Israeli perspective, this was the act of a lone extremist, not a state-sanctioned massacre. The Israeli government condemned the attack, banned Goldstein’s Kach movement, and implemented measures to prevent similar incidents. However, some far-right settlers viewed Goldstein as a hero, a perspective that remains a point of contention within Israeli society.

18) Jenin Refugee Camp April 2002

Israeli Perspective: During the Second Intifada, Israel launched Operation Defensive Shield in Jenin to dismantle Palestinian militant networks responsible for suicide bombings. Palestinian sources claimed a massacre, alleging hundreds killed, but a UN investigation found 52 Palestinian deaths, half of whom were combatants, and 23 Israeli soldiers killed. From the Israeli perspective, this was a military operation targeting terrorists, not a massacre, though the operation’s intensity and civilian casualties were criticized internationally and by some within Israel.

19) Gaza Massacre 2008-09 (Operation Cast Lead)

Israeli Perspective: Operation Cast Lead was launched to stop Hamas rocket fire from Gaza into Israel, which had intensified after the 2005 disengagement. Israel aimed to degrade Hamas’s military capabilities while minimizing civilian casualties, but the operation resulted in significant Palestinian deaths (around 1,400, including many civilians, per Palestinian sources). From the Israeli perspective, Hamas’s use of civilian areas for military operations made collateral damage unavoidable, though the high civilian toll led to international criticism and internal debates about proportionality.

20) Gaza Massacre 2012 (Operation Pillar of Defense)

Israeli Perspective: Operation Pillar of Defense targeted Hamas and other militant groups in Gaza to stop rocket attacks on Israeli civilians. Israel conducted airstrikes, focusing on military targets, but around 170 Palestinians were killed, including civilians. From the Israeli perspective, the operation was a necessary response to protect its citizens, with efforts made to avoid civilian casualties (e.g., warnings via leaflets 48-hour notice). However, the civilian toll was a point of contention, with Israel arguing that Hamas’s tactics, like operating from populated areas, contributed to the casualties.

21) Gaza Massacre 2014 (Operation Protective Edge)

Israeli Perspective: Operation Protective Edge aimed to stop Hamas rocket fire and destroy tunnels used for cross-border attacks. Over 2,200 Palestinians were killed, many of them civilians. Israel argued that it targeted Hamas infrastructure while taking steps to minimize civilian harm (e.g., roof-knocking warnings). From the Israeli perspective, Hamas’s strategy of embedding military assets in civilian areas made civilian deaths inevitable, though the scale of destruction led to significant criticism and internal reflection on the operation’s conduct.

22) Gaza Massacre 2018-19 (Great March of Return Protests)

Israeli Perspective: During the 2018–2019 Great March of Return protests, Palestinians marched toward the Gaza border fence, demanding the right of return and an end to the blockade. Israeli forces killed over 200 Palestinians, mostly during clashes at the fence. From the Israeli perspective, the protests were orchestrated by Hamas to breach the border and attack Israeli communities, justifying the use of force to protect the border. Critics within Israel and internationally argued the response was excessive, particularly against unarmed protesters.

23) Gaza Massacre 2021 (Operation Guardian of the Walls)

Israeli Perspective: In May 2021, Israel launched Operation Guardian of the Walls in response to Hamas rocket fire following tensions in Jerusalem, including clashes at Al-Aqsa Mosque. Over 250 Palestinians were killed, including many civilians. Israel targeted Hamas infrastructure, arguing that the group’s use of civilian areas for launches complicated efforts to avoid casualties. The operation was seen as necessary to protect Israeli civilians, though the civilian toll raised ethical questions within Israel and globally.

24) Gaza Genocide 2023 (Ongoing as of List Date)

Israeli Perspective: The 2023 conflict in Gaza, following Hamas’s October 7 attack that killed over 1,200 Israelis and took hostages, prompted a large-scale Israeli operation to dismantle Hamas’s military capabilities. The operation resulted in tens of thousands of Palestinian deaths, leading to accusations of genocide. From the Israeli perspective, the goal was to eliminate Hamas as a threat after its brutal attack, with efforts made to target militants despite the challenges of urban warfare. The unprecedented scale of destruction, however, has led to significant internal and international scrutiny, with some Israelis questioning the long-term strategy and humanitarian impact.

Summary of the Israeli Perspective

The Israeli perspective often frames these events within a narrative of survival and self-defense, emphasizing the existential threats faced by Jewish communities during the Mandate period and by the State of Israel post-1948. Actions by Zionist groups and later the IDF were typically seen as responses to Arab violence, aimed at protecting Jewish lives and securing the state’s existence. However, many of these events involve civilian casualties, leading to ethical debates within Israel and widespread international criticism. The Israeli narrative often clashes with Palestinian accounts, which view these events as deliberate massacres and part of a broader campaign of dispossession and oppression, highlighting the deep divide in how both sides interpret this shared history.

Jóhannes Loftsson, 1.5.2025 kl. 18:56

12 Smįmynd: Gušmundur Örn Ragnarsson

Mosab Hassan Yousef er dyggur stušningsmašur Ķsraels.

Hann er sonur eins af stofnendum Hamas.

Hann fęddist ķ Jśdeu, eins og stendur ķ vegabréfi hans, sem er nś kallaš Ramallah, nįnar tiltekiš er žaš į Vesturbakka Jórdanįrinnar.

Hann segist telja sig vera Araba, ekki Palestķnumann žvķ palestķnskt žjóšerni er ekki til og engin Palestķna heldur.

Gušmundur Örn Ragnarsson, 1.5.2025 kl. 21:51

13 identicon

Sęll aftur Jóhannes,

Žaš er nś gott aš žessir Zķonistarnir vinir žķnir višurkenni žaš sjįlfir žarna eša hérna "The Israeli perspective", og žar sem aš žeir Zķonistar višurkenna hernįmiš svona, meš öllum žessum lķka réttlętingum aftur og aftur og/eša "self-defense", ekki satt? Nś og aušvita styšur žś hann Donald Trump karlinn meš aš Zķonistar taki yfir Gaza og reki alla palestķnumenn ķ burtu frį Gaza, ekki satt?
Ykkur kristnum- zķonistum, jį og žeim į Zķonista -ÓmegaTV lķka hefur gegniš mjög vel meš aš eyšileggja alla kristni ķ Palestķnu, svo og skv. bęši  Kairos Document og  Jerusalem Declaration on Christian Zionism
Kristnir -Zķonistar hér vilja alls ekki, aš Kristnir Palestķnuflóttamenn fįi aš snśa aftur til sķns heimalands eins og samžykktir Sameinušu Žjóšanna (UN General Assembly Resolution 194, 242 og 338) segja til um, heldur styšja kristnir Zķonistar žaš aš Ķsraelsmenn haldi įfram, įfram,įfram og įfram žessu fjandsamlega her –og  landnįmi gegn bęši kristnum Palestķnumönnum og mśslimum og/eša viš frekari aukningu į Palestķnskum flóttamönnum. Žaš er annig ķ dag aš kristnir Palestķnumenn vilja ekki heyra orš eins og Zionisti eša hvaš žį Kristinn Zķonisti. Žvķ ķ žeirra eyrum žį hljómar žetta eins og illmenni, skķthęll, drullusokkur og ķ žeirra augum er kristinn- zķonismi alls ekki Kristin trś, žś?

Kristnir Zķonistar eru ofsalega hrifiš aš žvķ žegar Kristnir Palestķnumenn og ašrir Palestķnu mśslķmar missa hśsin sķn žarna į Vesturbakkanum og ķ Austurhluta Jerśsalem. Nś žetta fólk styšur žennan Zķonisma sama hvaš gegn sķnum kristnu trśbręšrum, og žį stefnu aš bęir Palestķnumanna, kirkjugaršar, leikskólar žeirra og annaš séu lagšir ķ rśst til žess eins, aš geta tileinkaš öllu landi eingöngu handa Zķonistum. Sķšan heimtar žetta Zķonista liš allt saman, aš Palestķnumenn višurkenni Zķonista-rķkiš Ķsrael meš öllu žessu her- og landnįmi Ķsraelsmanna. "Make Way, Make Way, Make way for our great Zionist".

Žaš er var hins vegar mjög and- gyšingalegt af žér,  aš minnast EKKI į öll žau afrek er žetta Zķonista-rķki hefur stašiš fyrir löngu fyrir stofnun Zķonista Ķsraels 1948. Žetta er örugglega eina rķkiš ķ heiminum sem aš fęddist meš svona hryšjuverkum og djöfulsskap hryšjuverka- hópanna Stern, Irgun og Haganah, er voru ķ žvķ aš drepa og sprengja Palestķnumenn upp ķ tętlur (A Synopsis of the Israel/Palestine Conflict).  

Žaš er alveg greinilegt aš žetta hjį Zķonistum hefur allt saman ekkert aš gera meš Guš, įst og kęrleika.  Žar aš auk žį er žaš mjög and- gyšingalegt af žér, aš sleppa aš minnast į žegar stjórnvöldin ķ Ķsrael hófu sexdaga strķšiš meš djöfulgangi og lįtum meš rįšast į Egypska flugvelli og svo į ašra nįgranna sķna (Six-Day War began on June 5, 1967, when Israel launched surprise bombing raids against Egyptian air-fields.),žś gleymir aš minnast į hvaš  Zķonistar hafa veriš tregir til žess gefa eitthvaš landsvęši eftir, er žeir hafa hernumiš svona lķka algjörlega gegn alžjóšalögum.
Žessi stušningur viš Zķonista Ķsrael og įframhaldandi her- og landnįm er reyndar aš skila tilętlušum įrangri ķ žvķ aš eyšileggja algjörlega alla Kristna trś žarna, og žökk sé ykkur stušningsmönnum Zķonista Ķsraels.

Jewish Voice for Peace - Last week, MSNBC aired this map showing loss of  Palestinian land to Zionist settlers and then to Israel from 1946 to the  present.

Ég var į žeirri skošun aš žś Jóhannes tękir ekki mark į öllu frį Zķonista mainstream media fjölmišlum, en žaš er greinilega ragt hjį mér, hvaš varšar žessa zķonista fjölmišla er segja aš„kristnir hópar ķ Lķbanon gerandinn en ekki Ķsrael“. En žaš rétt žś tekur upp mįlstaš Zķonista frekar en kristnir hópar ķ Lķbanon, svo og hérna mįlstaš Zķonista gegn kristnum Palestķnumönnum . 
KV. Žorsteinn.


Žorsteinn Sch. Thorsteinsson (IP-tala skrįš) 1.5.2025 kl. 22:46

14 identicon

„At the time of the creation of the Israeli state in 1948, it is estimated that the Christians of Palestine numbered some 350,000. Almost 20 percent of the total population at the time, they constituted a vibrant and ancient community; their forbears had listened to St. Peter in Jerusalem as he preached at the first Pentecost. Yet Zionist doctrine held that Palestine was ;a land without a people for a people without a land. Of the 750,000 Palestinians that were forced from their homes in 1948, some 50,000 were Christians 7 percent of the total number of refugees and 35 percent of the total number of Christians living in Palestine at the time.

 

In the process of Judaizing Palestine, numerous convents, hospices, seminaries, and churches were either destroyed or cleared of their Christian owners and custodians. In one of the most spectacular attacks on a Christian target, on May 17, 1948, the Armenian Orthodox Patriarchate was shelled with about 100 mortar roundslaunched by Zionist forces from the already occupied monastery of the Benedictine Fathers on Mount Zion. The bombardment also damaged St. Jacobs Convent, the Archangels Convent, and their appended churches, their two elementary and seminary schools, as well as their libraries, killing eight people and wounding 120.

 

Today it is believed that the number of Christians in Israel and occupied Palestine number some 175,000, just over 2 percent of the entire population, but the numbers are rapidly dwindling due to mass emigration. Of those who have remained in the region, most live in Lebanon, where they share in the same bottomless misery as all other refugees, confined to camps where schools are under-funded and overcrowded, where housing is ramshackle, and sanitary conditions are appalling. Most, however, have fled the region altogether. No reliable figures are available, but it is estimated that between 100,000 and 300,000 Palestinian Christians currently live in the U.S.

The Palestinian Christians see themselves, and are seen by their Muslim compatriots, as an integral part of the Palestinian people, and they have long been a vital part of the Palestinian struggle. As the Anglican bishop of Jerusalem, the Reverend Riah Abu al-Assal has explained, The Arab Palestinian Christians are part and parcel of the Arab Palestinian nation. We have the same history, the same culture, the same habits and the same hopes.“

 Forgotten Christians       PDF

Žorsteinn Sch. Thorsteinsson (IP-tala skrįš) 1.5.2025 kl. 22:58

15 identicon

Image result for christians in Palestine

Žorsteinn Sch Thorsteinsson (IP-tala skrįš) 1.5.2025 kl. 23:55

Bęta viš athugasemd

Ekki er lengur hęgt aš skrifa athugasemdir viš fęrsluna, žar sem tķmamörk į athugasemdir eru lišin.

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Jóhannes Loftsson

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Jóhannes Loftsson
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